👶🏻 Sad Night in the UK

On the evening of 18th March 2026, the House of Lords voted to decriminalise abortion in the United Kingdom up to the point of birth. The Lords passed the measure 185 to 148. In the same session, they also voted 191 to 119 to reject an amendment that would have reintroduced in-person medical appointments before women could obtain abortion pills. One evening. Two votes. A nation’s moral compass, broken.

I want to be clear about what happened: Britain just made it legal to kill a fully-formed baby who can feel pain, whose heart beats, whose lungs are nearly ready to breathe, and who is days-sometimes hours—from birth. This is not healthcare. This is infanticide with extra steps.

How We Got Here

The UK’s previous limit of 24 weeks was already an international outlier. Most EU countries sit at 12 to 15 weeks. More telling: polling consistently shows that even a majority of British women, when told the current limit is 24 weeks, want it lowered. Only 1% of women in this country support abortion up to birth. One percent. And yet, here we are.

The acceleration began during the 2020 pandemic, when the government introduced “pills by post.” Under this scheme, a woman within the first ten weeks of pregnancy could phone a line, receive a pill in the post, and carry out an abortion in her own bathroom-no doctor, no appointment, no oversight. Think about that for a moment.

The original justification for legalising abortion—the argument that was used to override centuries of moral tradition-was precisely to prevent women from doing this themselves in dangerous conditions. That was the deal. That was the premise. “We must legalise it so women don’t have to do it alone, in secret, unsafely.”

And now we’ve made it so women do it exactly that-alone, in secret, at home—and we’re calling it progress. The mask has slipped entirely. This was never about women’s safety. It was always about abortion on demand, no questions asked.

Carla Foster and Baby Lilly

The pills-by-post scheme was immediately open to catastrophic abuse, and it did not take long for the worst to happen. Carla Foster was 34 weeks pregnant—eight and a half months—when she used the postal service to obtain abortion pills, lying about how far along she was. Her daughter, Lilly, did not survive. Carla Foster was prosecuted for what she did.

Any sane society would have looked at this and drawn the obvious conclusion: end the pills-by-post programme. Introduce safeguards. Protect women from making irreversible decisions in crisis moments with no medical oversight. This is what law exists for-to protect the vulnerable, including unborn children and mothers in desperate situations.

Instead, the government drew the opposite conclusion. If prosecutions are distressing for women who abuse the system, the solution, apparently, is to abolish the law. Not to fix the abuse. Not to protect anyone. Just remove the legal accountability entirely. The safeguard didn’t fail—it was deliberately dismantled.

Forty-Five Minutes

The House of Commons—the same institution that, in the 1990s, spent over 700 hours debating the Hunting Act and the welfare of foxes-reportedly gave this measure approximately 45 minutes of debate. Forty-five minutes to decide that babies can be legally killed up to the moment of birth. The priorities of this parliament are written plainly for anyone willing to read them.

Then came March 18th. The House of Lords, our last remaining check on Commons excess, had its evening of votes. The numbers are worth sitting with: 185 to 148. Not unanimous. Not even close. One hundred and forty-eight peers voted the right way. But 185 chose otherwise. By 37 votes, Britain removed the final legal protection for the most defenceless human beings alive.

Rev. Daniel French, an Anglican priest, wrote something that has stayed with me: “A week after the election I organised a discreet meeting of around fifty Christian thought leaders nervous of what an ideologically driven government might enact and how Christians might prepare. We never imagined the decriminalisation of abortion up to birth. Never.”

Even those who were bracing themselves—who knew this government’s ideology, who expected attacks on faith and family-did not see this coming. That tells you something about just how far this goes.

Why This? Why Now?

But we should have seen the thread. The primary architect of the abortion-to-birth legislation was Stella Creasy, a Fabian Labour MP—the same Stella Creasy who led the charge for state-sanctioned euthanasia for the elderly and disabled. This is not accident or ideology drift; it is inheritance. The Fabian Society, which counts Starmer, Lammy, Streeting, and half the Cabinet among its members, was founded by people who believed, openly, that some lives were worth less than others. Sidney Webb wrote that the “unskilled labourers… are now tending to multiply” in ways that threatened civilisation. George Bernard Shaw: “We should find ourselves committed to kill a good many people who are not fit to live.” Beatrice Webb warned of “the multiplication of the feeble-minded, the diseased and the incapable.” These were not eccentric asides. They were the founding philosophy. And now their political heirs are removing legal protections from the unborn and opening the door to assisted dying.

But ideology alone does not explain the timing. There is another thread—darker and more specific—that deserves to be named.

Keir Starmer was Director of Public Prosecutions when the Pakistani Muslim rape gang scandal first broke into public view. His response was a policy of ASBO warning letters. Not prosecutions—warning letters. Sadiq Khan, as Mayor of London, has presided over the ongoing suppression of the largest active rape gang networks in the country, concentrated in the capital he governs. The mainstream media buried the story for years; the police, petrified of being labelled racist, looked the other way. The cover-up is not a conspiracy theory. It is a matter of public record. The reckoning has barely begun.

These gangs are not historical. They are ongoing. They continue to impregnate young, predominantly white British girls. Some of those girls—desperate and without proper support—have resorted to botched home abortions. When prosecutions followed, as in the Carla Foster case, there was always a risk: that testimony, followed carefully, would raise the question of who the father was. That thread, pulled, leads somewhere this establishment has spent twenty years making sure no one looks.

Removing the final legal layer of prosecution for abortion removes that risk entirely. No prosecution. No testimony. No thread to pull. The suppression of the rape gang scandal - already near-total—is complete.

I am not certain this is the reason the law changed. But I am certain that the people who changed it are the same people who have spent two decades ensuring those gangs faced no reckoning. And so I think the question is worth asking plainly: could the decriminalisation of abortion, right up to the moment of birth, be the final piece in the cover-up?

Child Sacrifice, Ancient and Modern

Britain aborts approximately 300,000 babies every year. That number is worth sitting with too. Three hundred thousand. Every year. It is more than the entire population of many cities. And until last Tuesday, there was at least a legal ceiling—an imperfect, too-high ceiling, but a ceiling. Now there is none.

The ancient Aztecs, by historians’ best estimates, sacrificed somewhere between 20,000 and 250,000 people a year to appease their gods. We read about this in horror. We put it in museums. We call it barbarism.

Britain kills 300,000 babies a year. And this week, our government celebrated the removal of the final legal restraint on that killing, to the applause of the educated, the progressive, and the powerful.

Moloch is a very demanding god.

I am a Christian. I believe Scripture, and Scripture is not ambiguous: human life is made in the image of God, from the moment of conception. Every abortion is the taking of a life made in his image. Every one of those 300,000 is known by name to the Lᴏʀᴅ. I believe, with a heavy heart, that nations are judged—not just individuals, but nations—for what they do to the innocent. The prophets of Israel made this clear. History has made this clear. Britain is writing its own verdict.

What Now?

I am not despairing. Despair is a luxury I cannot afford, and neither can you. But I am grieving tonight, and I think grief is the right response. Not performative grief-real grief. Real mourning for 185 peers who chose this, for a government that drove it, for a culture so spiritually hollowed out that it cannot even recognise a child at eight months as worth protecting.

But grief without action is just sorrow. And the action God calls us to at a moment like this is not primarily political—it is spiritual.

God has already told us what to do when a nation reaches this point. The promise is as clear as it is demanding:

“If my people who are called by my name humble themselves, and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven and will forgive their sin and heal their land.” - 2 Chronicles 7:14

This is the answer. Not a slogan, not a hashtag. Fasting - real, costly, sacrificial fasting—and crying out to God in prayer for this nation. Humbling ourselves. Turning from our own wicked ways first, not just pointing fingers at others’.

And while you are at it — are you still getting your news from the BBC? This vote, arguably the most spiritually significant event in Britain in a decade, did not make the front page. It was buried beneath page five of UK news. A decision to legalise the killing of babies at full term, and the national broadcaster filed it away. That is not an oversight. That is a choice. Stop drinking the poison. The mainstream media is not a neutral observer of events — it is an active participant in the culture that produced this vote. You cannot understand the times if you are outsourcing your perception of reality to the people helping to create them. Be like the sons of Issachar, who “understood the times and knew what Israel should do” (1 Chronicles 12:32).

Britain can be healed. God said so. But the condition falls on His people, not the government. The question is not whether God is willing—it is whether we are.